Oh tempora, o mores!
Politics can change mood remarkably quickly. Only a fortnight ago Westminster revolved around Sir Keir Starmer’s increasingly fragile premiership. Today the conversation is dominated by Andy Burnham’s promise to govern differently, decentralise power and establish a “No. 10 of the North”. The atmosphere has undoubtedly changed; whether Britain’s underlying problems have changed with it seems rather unlikely.
New Banality
Burnham’s keynote speech in Manchester was striking less for announcing radical new policies than for trying to change the language of government. Collaboration replaced confrontation. Place came before party. Westminster itself became the problem to be solved rather than merely the venue in which politics takes place.

The speech repeatedly returned to devolution, productivity, regeneration and hope. It was a political speech about political method, brimming with cheerful enthusiasm, but sadly brought no new insights to the table.
First Opportunity Disappearing: No 10 North
Most of Burnham’s (disappointingly limited) substantive policy thoughts were already familiar from his tenure as Mayor of Greater Manchester. The genuinely interesting question is no longer whether devolution is desirable, but whether Whitehall will surrender any significant powers.

“No. 10 North” is an attractive slogan, but whether it becomes a genuine transfer of authority, or simply another layer of (ineffective) government will determine whether it has any real effects at all.
There has been no mention of using the establishment of a “Northern Branch” to enable wholesale changes behind the famous façade in Downing Street. Anyone who has worked there will happily tell you (see, among others Dr. Jack Brown: No. 10 – The Geography of Power at Downing Street, Haus Publishing, 2019) that governmental dysfunction is driven by the absurdly impractical, labyrinthine arrangement of not-fit-for-purpose “offices” in this much-reconfigured 17th century set of buildings where policy priorities are often decided by how close specific advisers are to the PM’s door.

The opportunity with the establishment of a “No. 10 North” operation would be to close the Actual No. 10 (& 11 & 12) for five years to rebuild, behind Wren’s attractive façade, a suite of offices suitable for 21st century use and, inter alia, reduce the capacity, so that on return, not all of the State has to run through this antiquated beehive. Just saying.
It is, however, a characteristic of pre-Burnham politics that the location Team Andy has apparently chosen for the King of the North’s WFH location is the “Manchester Digital Campus” which aims to house 8,800 “mostly digital” civil servants by 2032. While King Andy waits for his natural Digital Campus home, he may need to set up court in some temporary Manchester digs. Jones Lang LaSalle have some modular, modern office space available on the M60 Office Park apparently. (Only 35minutes for the 20miles to Makerfield via the M61 too.)
Similarly (TWOP is just getting going!) why not use the “move North” to close Parliament for its £11bn-£16bn “full decant” rebuild and shift it for 10 years to Birmingham and/or Manchester (if you must,)

When it comes back onstream – after the inevitable HS2-type delays and budget increases that keep major British construction companies afloat – it could consist of two chambers for a reduced number of MPs (500, say) and a 100 member Senate with appropriate meeting and working facilities connected to them? Why not? (Richard Kelly, House of Commons Library, April 2026 “Restoration and Renewal: Developing the strategic case and costed proposals.”)
As normal in British Politics for the last 30 years, announcements of “radicalism” now re-named (cringe) “delivery” are swiftly followed by the defeatist banalities of “pragmatic compromise.” It seems that Andy Burnham is also falling prey, even before taking office, to the misconception that British voters are yearning for safety first. They are not; voters want radical, status changing policies implemented speedily.
Defence Avoidance Plan / Joke Edition

Similar implementation questions hang over Defence. Sir Keir Starmer’s departing Defence Investment Plan has been presented as a major strategic commitment. However, with slow roadcrash inevitability, beneath Sir Keir’s determined headlines he allowed a funding gap of £5 billion together with optimistic assumptions about unidentified MoD operational savings of £10bn to “fund” the plan even though every military bigwig available to opine says £15bn is simply not enough.
This feels rather like announcing the destination while leaving somebody else to discover how to pay for the train ticket.
TWOP was on standby for a thorough analysis of the DIP on Tuesday. Sandwiches were prepared. All night sessions discussed. Conflicts with football fixtures considered. What an absolute waste of time. Attentive readers may have noticed: TWOP did not produce an in-depth study of the Defence Investment Plan. Why not? Because even a quick skim reveals that this DIP is not credible. Sir Keir delayed for a whole year to produce something that literally could have been done in an afternoon after an enjoyable lunch. The numbers just don’t add up.
Darren Jones at the Crease with Another Broken Bat
Wednesday’s speech by the Prime Minister’s Chief Secretary, Darren Jones, on “Remaking the State” made a similar argument from another direction. Britain needs a state that delivers better, works more collaboratively and is organised around outcomes rather than departmental silos. Few would disagree. The challenge, as always, lies in changing institutions rather than simply describing them.
The Prime Minister’s Chief Secretary, so frequently sent in to the Commons with what Sir Geoffrey Howe would have called “broken bats”, provided no route to a cure, just yet another diagnosis of an already accepted and detailed condition. Perhaps Darren had sketched this out as a potential Labour leadership strategy piece? If so, it is some relief that he thought better of a tilt at the top.

Burnham: Tabula Rasa or Empty Vessel?
Burnham’s media appearances reinforced both the strengths and weaknesses of his first week. He projected optimism and confidence, but remained cautious when pressed on detail. Burnham’s suggested that he may have some flexibility on taxation within Labour’s manifesto may prove politically important. More awkward was his reluctance to argue that significant departures from the manifesto should necessarily be put back to the electorate. There will be no early General Election: so not super-confident then. Governments derive authority not merely from good intentions, but from democratic consent.
Governing Continues in Zombie Mode
Elsewhere, reports that Labour intends to reconsider Palantir’s involvement in the NHS Data Platform and Sir Keir’s formal apology for historic forced adoptions showed that the machinery of government continues to move beneath the leadership transition. Government rarely pauses for leadership contests, which means important decisions continue to accumulate beneath the political theatre.
Get Nige!
Meanwhile Nigel Farage found himself facing a concerted reputational attack over financial declarations, possibly reminding Reform that opposition parties eventually discover they too are expected to answer difficult questions.

Tuesday Times: Farage family property portfolio.
Thursday Guardian: Farage lobbied Bank of England about crypto after receiving donation.
Sunday Times: George Cottrell donations to Farage not declared when he became MP.
You know it’s planned when News International and the Guardian alternate fire.
The mood in British politics has undoubtedly shifted. There is more energy than there was a fortnight ago. There is probably more hope. Hope, however welcome, is not itself a delivery plan. Britain’s longstanding challenges—economic growth, defence, housing, public services and constitutional reform—remain exactly where they were before the speeches began. Over the coming months the question will become less whether Andy Burnham can inspire the country and more whether he can persuade Whitehall to do things differently.
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